Saturday 19 November 2011

Discussion Topics for November the22nd and 25th

1. Should Europe be considered 'one nation' as far as Telecoms are concerned?

2. Do you believe in other forms of fortune-telling such as
  • palmistry?
  • tarot cards?
  • reading teacups?
3. "It is better to study major international languages like English rather than
to spend time on minority languages for the sake of regional identity."
Do you agree? Why?

4. "Governments should give regions in their countries more autonomy
so that they can protect and enjoy their own cultures rather than serving
the centralized policies of the capital city." Do you agree? Why?

5. "Cultural differences cause problems. It is better for people to stay in
their own countries rather than to migrate to other ones." Do you agree? Give examples.

6. "Low tax, Laissez-Faire, economies are better than ones with large
public sectors." Do you agree? Give examples.

7. What are the advantages and disadvantages of TWO of the following
forms of holiday accommodation:

(a) five star hotel (b) budget hotel (c) guest house
(d) bed & breakfast (e) self-catering villa (f) farmyard cottage
(g) ocean liner (h) student family (i) youth hostel
(j) caravan (k) tent (l) canal boat ?

8. "Western doctors prescribe drugs and medicines too freely since they
do not have time to treat patients as individuals." Do you agree?
Do you think other systems such as Chinese Medicine are any better?

9. What do you use the internet for the most? How could the internet improve or better serve you?




Article for November the 22nd and 25th.

Scientists say free will probably doesn't exist, but urge: "Don't stop believing!"

Young Adolph HitlerSuspend disbelief for a moment and imagine that you have agreed, as a secret agent in some confidential military operation, to travel back in time to the year 1894. To your astonishment, it’s a success! And now—after wiping away the magical time-travelling dust from your eyes—you find yourself on the fringes of some Bavarian village, hidden in a camouflaging thicket of wilderness against the edge of town, the distant, disembodied voices of nineteenth-century Germans mingling atmospherically with the unmistakable sounds of church bells.
Quickly, you survey your surroundings: you seem to be directly behind a set of old row houses; white linens have been hung out to dry; a little stream tinkles behind you; windows have been opened to let in the warm springtime air. How quaint. No one else appears to be about, although occasionally you glimpse a pedestrian passing between the narrow gaps separating the houses. And then you notice him. There’s a quiet, solemn-looking little boy nearby, playing quietly with some toys in the dirt. He looks to be about six years old—a mere kindergartner, in the modern era. It’s then that you’re reminded of your mission: this is the town of Passau in Southern Germany. And that’s no ordinary little boy. It’s none other than young Adolph Hitler (image above).
What would you do next?
This scenario is, rather unfortunately for us, in the realm of science fiction. But youranswer to this hypothetical question—and others like it—is a matter for psychological scientists, because among other things it betrays your underlying assumptions about whether Hitler, and the decisions he made later in his life, were simply the product of his environment acting on his genes or whether he could have acted differently by exerting his “free will.” Most scientists in this area aren’t terribly concerned over whether or not free will does or doesn’t exist, but rather how people’s everyday reasoning about free will, particularly in the moral domain, influences their social behaviors and attitudes. (In fact, the Templeton Foundationhas just launched a massive funding initiative designed to support scientific research on the subject of free will.)
One of the leading investigators in this area, Florida State University psychologist Roy Baumeister, puts it this way in a recent article in Perspectives on Psychological Science :
At the core of the question of free will is a debate about the psychological causes of action. That is, is the person an autonomous entity who genuinely chooses how to act from among multiple possible options? Or is the person essentially just one link in a causal chain, so that the person’s actions are merely the inevitable product of lawful causes stemming from prior events, and no one ever could have acted differently than he or she actually did? …
To discuss free will in terms of scientific psychology is therefore to invoke notions of self-regulation, controlled processes, behavioral plasticity, and conscious decision-making. 
So with this understanding of what psychologists study when they turn their attention to people’s beliefs in free will, let’s return to the Hitler example above. In your role of this time-travelling secret agent from the twenty-first century, you’ve been equipped with the following pieces of information. First, the time-travelling technology is still in its infancy, and researchers are doubtful that it will ever succeed again. Second, you have only ten minutes before being zapped back into the year 2010 (and two of those minutes have already elapsed since you arrived). Third, you’ve been informed that seven minutes is just enough time to throttle a six-year-old with your bare hands and to confirm, without a doubt, that the child is dead. This means that you have only one minute left to decide whether or not to assassinate the little boy.
But you have other options. Seven minutes is also enough time, you’ve been told by your advisors, to walk into the Hitler residence and hand-deliver to Alois and Klara, Adolph’s humorless father and kindly, retiring mother, a specially prepared package of historical documents related to the Holocaust, including clear photographs of their son as a moustachioed Führer and a detailed look at the Third Reich four decades later. Nobody knows precisely what effect this would have, but most modern scholars believe that this horrifying preview of WWII would meaningfully alter Adolph’s childhood. Perhaps Klara would finally leave her domineering, abusive husband; Alois, unhappy with the idea of his surname becoming synonymous with all that is evil, might change his ways and become a kinder parent; or they might both sit down together with the young Adolph and share with him disturbing death camp images and testimonies from Holocaust survivors that are so shocking and terrifying that even Adolph himself would come to disdain his much-hated adult persona. But can Adolph really change the course of his life? Does he have free will? Do any of us?
One of the most striking findings to emerge recently in the science of free will is that when people believe—or are led to believe—that free will is just an illusion, they tend to become more antisocial. We’ll get back to little Adolph shortly (which do you think is the antisocial decision here, to kill or not to kill the Hitler boy?). But before making your decision, have a look at what the science says. The first study to directly demonstrate the antisocial consequences of deterministic beliefs was done by University of Minnesota’s Kathleen Vohs and her colleague Jonathan Schooler, a psychologist from the University of British Columbia. In this 2008 report [pdf] published in Psychological Science , Vohs and Schooler invited thirty undergraduate students into their lab to participate in what was ostensibly a study about mental arithmetic, in which they were asked to calculate the answers to 20 math problems (e.g., 1 + 8 + 18 – 12 +19 – 7 + 17 – 2 + 8 – 4 = ?) in their heads. But, as social psychology experiments often go, testing something as trivial as the students’ math skills was not the real purpose of the study.
Prior to taking the math test, half the group (15 participants) were asked to read the following passage from Francis Crick’s book The Astonishing Hypothesis (Scribner):
‘You,’ your joys and your sorrows, your memories and your ambitions, your sense of personal identity and free will, are in fact no more than the behavior of a vast assembly of nerve cells and their associated molecules. Who you are is nothing but a pack of neurons … although we appear to have free will, in fact, our choices have already been predetermined for us and we cannot change that.
In contrast, the other 15 participants read a different passage from the same book, but one in which Crick makes no mention of free will. And, rather amazingly, when given the opportunity this second group of people cheated significantly less on the math test than those who read Crick’s free-will-as-illusion passage above. (The study was cleverly rigged to measure cheating: participants were led to believe that there was a “glitch” in the computer program, and that if the answer appeared on the screen before they finished the problem, they should hit the space bar and finish the test honestly. The number of space bar clicks throughout the task therefore indicated how honest they were being.) These general effects were replicated in a second experiment using a different, money allocation task, in which participants randomly assigned to a determinism condition and who were asked to read statements such as, “A belief in free will contradicts the known fact that the universe is governed by lawful principles of science,” essentially stole more money than those who’d been randomly assigned to read statements from a free-will condition (e.g., “Avoiding temptation requires that I exert my free will”) or a neutral condition with control statements (e.g., “Sugar cane and sugar beets are grown in 112 countries”).
Vohs and Schooler’s findings reveal a rather strange dilemma facing social scientists: if a deterministic understanding of human behavior encourages antisocial behavior, how can we scientists justify communicating our deterministic research findings? In fact, there’s a rather shocking line in this Psychological Science article, one that I nearly overlooked on my first pass. Vohs and Schooler write that:
If exposure to deterministic messages increases the likelihood of unethical actions, then identifying approaches for insulating the public against this danger becomes imperative.
Perhaps you missed it on your first reading too, but the authors are making an extraordinary suggestion. They seem to be claiming that the public “can’t handle the truth,” and that we should somehow be protecting them (lying to them?) about the true causes of human social behaviors. Perhaps they’re right. Consider the following example.
A middle-aged man hires a prostitute, knowingly exposing his wife to a sexually transmitted infection and exploiting a young drug addict for his own pleasure. Should the man be punished somehow for his transgression? Should we hold him accountable? Most people, I’d wager, wouldn’t hesitate to say “yes” to both questions.
But what if you thought about it in the following slightly different, scientific terms? The man’s decision to have sex with this woman was in accordance with his physiology at that time, which had arisen as a consequence of his unique developmental experiences, which occurred within a particular cultural environmentin interaction with a particular genotype, which he inherited from his particular parents, who inherited genetic variants of similar traits from their own particular parents, ad infinitum. Even his ability to inhibit or “override” these forces, or to understand his own behavior, is the product itself of these forces! What’s more, this man’s brain acted without first consulting his self-consciousness; rather, his neurocognitive system enacted evolved behavioral algorithms that responded, either normally or in error, in ways that had favored genetic success in the ancestral past.
Given the combination of these deterministic factors, could the man have responded any other way to the stimuli that he was confronted with? Attributing personal responsibility to this sap becomes merely a social convention that reflects only a naive understanding of the causes of his behaviors. Like us judging him, this man’s self merely plays the role of spectator in his body’s sexual affairs. There is only the embodiment of a man who is helpless to act in any way that is contrary to his particular nature, which is a derivative of a more general nature. The self is only a deluded creature that thinks it is participating in a moral game when in fact it is just an emotionally invested audience member.
If this deterministic understanding of the man’s behaviors leads you to feel even a smidgeon more sympathy for him than you otherwise might have had, that reaction is precisely what Vohs and Schooler are warning us about. How can we fault this “pack of neurons”—let alone punish him—for acting as his nature dictates, even if our own nature would have steered us otherwise? What’s more, shouldn’t we be more sympathetic of our own moral shortcomings? After all, we can’t help who we are either. Right?
In fact, a study published last year in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin by Roy Baumeister and his colleagues found that simply by exposing people to deterministic statements such as, “Like everything else in the universe, all human actions follow from prior events and ultimately can be understood in terms of the movement of molecules” made them act more aggressively and selfishly compared to those who read statements endorsing the idea of free will, such as, “I demonstrate my free will every day when I make decisions” or those who simply read neutral statements, such as, “Oceans cover 71 percent of the earth’s surface.” Participants who’d been randomly assigned to the deterministic condition, for example, were less likely than those from the other two groups to give money to a homeless person, or to allow a classmate to use their cellular phone. In discussing the societal implications of these results, Baumeister and his coauthors echo Vohs and Schooler’s concerns about “insulating the public” against a detailed understanding of the causes of human social behaviors:
Some philosophical analyses may conclude that a fatalistic determinism is compatible with highly ethical behavior, but the present results suggest that many laypersons do not yet appreciate that possibility.
These laboratory findings demonstrating the antisocial consequences of viewing individual human beings as hapless pin balls trapped in a mechanical system—even when, in point of fact, that’s pretty much what we are—are enough to give me pause in my scientific proselytizing. Returning to innocent little Adolph, we could, of course, play with this particular example forever. It’s an unpalatable thought, but what if one of the children slaughtered at Auschwitz would have grown up to be even more despised than Hitler, as an adult ordering the deaths of ten million? Isn’t your ability to make a decision a question fundamentally about your own free will? And so on. But the point is not to play the “what if” Hitler game in some infinite regress, but rather to provoke your intuitions about free will without asking you directly whether you believe in it or not. As any good scientist knows, what people say they believe doesn’t always capture their private psychology. 
In this case, it’s not so much your decision to kill the child or to deliver the package to his parents that research psychologists would be interested in. Rather, it’s how you would justify your decision (e.g., “I’d kill him because [fill in the blank here]” or “I’d deliver the package because [fill in the blank]") that would illuminate your thinking about Hitler’s free will. On the face of it, strangling an innocent six-year-old seems rather antisocial, and so perhaps hearing a deterministic message before answering this question would lead you to kill him (e.g, “ Hitler is evil, he will grow up to murder people no matter what—he has no free will to do otherwise”) . For some people, however, the decision not to kill the innocent boy is the antisocial one, because it may well mean the unthinkable for over six million fellow human beings.
I, for one, wouldn’t hesitate to gleefully strangle that little prick in 1894 Passau. (The fact that I recently visited Auschwitz may have something to do with that.) I can’t help but feel that Hitler could have raised his hand at any time and quashed the so-called “Final Solution of the Jewish people” before it ever began. This justification seems to reveal my hidden belief in free will: Adolph could have acted differently, but chose not to. That is to say, the chain of causal events preceding Hitler’s rise to power seems largely irrelevant to me, or at least inconsequential. His bad deeds would have occurred irrespective of the vicissitudes of his personal past. There is something essentially evil about this individual. And so I decide to kill the child: it’s probably best in this instance, I seem to be saying, to slay the beast while it’s still lying dormant in a little boy playing with plastic soldiers.
But you might opt for a less homicidal way to spend your time with little Adolph. For example, if you spare the life of this pasty, forlorn kid and decide to deliver the package to his parents because, you say, had the Hitlers known what was to become of their troubled son, they would have raised him otherwise, and this change in his early environment would almost certainly have prevented mass genocide, this entails that you subscribe more to the principle of causal determinism.
In any event, your minute is up! So what’s it going to be—and why ? With millions of future lives at stake, do you murder the innocent six-year-old boy as a pre-emptivehomicide? Do you deliver the package to his parents, in the hopes that the shocking vision of the Holocaust will lead Adolph—one way or another—to choose a different career path, or even to flub his own rise to fame from all the pressure? Or, like those who lived in Nazi Germany and who were bombarded with (false) deterministic messages about the Jews, do you simply not intervene at all?

Sunday 13 November 2011

Discussion Topics for November the15th and 18th

1. Does the environment belong principally to the human race?

2. Should cars be banned from city, town and village centres?


3. Which age-group in your country eats most fast and convenience food?
What could be done to encourage these people to eat more fresh food?

4. Should the law limit the number of fast food restaurants in our towns?

5. Does the fashion industry exist mainly to persuade people to spend money on things they do not really need?

6. Which countries have the best and worst fashions in clothes?

7. Would you prefer to live in:
  • a class-less society, regulated by a democratically elected government or
  • a society with all levels of income and wealth, regulated by the free market including the power of multinational companies?

8. Should political parties and politicians have to publish all their sources of income, including private donations?

9. Do Trade Unions serve a useful purpose and should every worker have the right to join one?

Article for November the 15th and 18th

Billionaire tycoon shakes up Georgia politics

Bidzina Ivanishvili Until recently, Bidzina Ivanishvili was rarely seen in public and was known mainly for funding the arts

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He has been variously compared to Dracula, the Wizard of Oz and even Bruce Wayne, Batman's wealthy philanthropic alter-ego.
Now billionaire businessman Bidzina Ivanishvili has his sights set on winning Georgia's parliamentary elections next year and ousting President Mikheil Saakashvili's party from power.
But is the government trying to push him out of the race?
Until last month he was a mysterious figure, hidden away in a James Bond-style modernist glass and steel fortress, complete with helipad, on a hill overlooking the Georgian capital.
He never gave interviews, was rarely seen in public and was known mainly for funding the arts and paying for public buildings such as Tbilisi's huge ornate cathedral.
Not much was known about him except that his extensive art collection included works by Picasso, Lichtenstein and Henry Moore; that he had made his money in Russia's iron ore industry in the 1990s; and that his fortune was estimated to be $5.5bn (£3.46bn), around half the value of the entire Georgian economy.
But the fog of mystery is now starting to evaporate. In October, the enigmatic Mr Ivanishvili suddenly stepped into the limelight, announcing his ambition to overthrow President Saakashvili's party in next year's elections.
"I have come into politics to save my country, not to challenge Saakashvili," he told the BBC during an interview in his palatial Tbilisi headquarters, as he gave an impromptu tour of his multi-million dollar art collection.
Mr Ivanishvili's luxury home on edge of TbilisiMr Ivanishvili has a fortress-style luxury home in the hills overlooking Tbilisi
'Dictatorial ways'
The authorities responded by stripping Mr Ivanishvili of his Georgian nationality, making him ineligible for political office.
Mr Ivanishvili also holds Russian and French passports. According to Georgian law, it is illegal to hold dual or triple nationality without permission from the president. So far, Mr Saakashvili has not commented.
Police also detained employees of the bank he owns, confiscating $2m and 1m euros from a bank van which was transporting cash. Georgian authorities say they are investigating the bank for money laundering.
Mr Ivanishvili accuses the government of trying to prevent him from taking part in the political process.
"This shows that we are living under an increasingly authoritarian government now, one in which Saakashvili is above the law. In fact, he is the law. We can already smell the growing power of a dictatorial regime."
The ruling party has denied the allegations Mr Ivanishvili is being victimised. According to ruling party MP and parliamentary vice-speaker Gigi Tsereteli, the authorities are simply acting according to Georgian law.
The presidential palace in Tbilisi on the left and the cathedral Mr Ivanishvili paid for on the right Mr Ivanishvili has paid for public buildings such as Tbilisi's huge ornate cathedral
"After it was found out he had been granted another citizenship, his Georgian citizenship was automatically cancelled," explained Mr Tsereteli, adding that the confiscation of money from Mr Ivanishvili's bank was the result of an investigation.
"The explanation given by the bank was that this [money] was to pay salaries: But that is very suspicious. According to Georgian law, salaries should be paid only in Georgian currency."
'Kremlin pawn'
The ruling party also believes Mr Ivanishvili, whose businesses are mainly in Russia, could be influenced by the Kremlin. The argument is that anyone who has managed to stay this wealthy in Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's Russia must have Moscow's support.
"His wealth is in Russia, so we think that Russia could have strong leverage over him. He could have very close relations with Putin and this could be used as leverage," said Mr Tsereteli.
Some more nationalist ruling party MPs go even further. They accuse Mr Ivanishvili of being a pawn in a Kremlin-backed plot to undermine Georgia's government and overthrow Mr Saakashvili, an enemy of Mr Putin.
Georgia map
They accuse Mr Ivanishvili of wanting to "buy Georgia's future with Russian money".
But critics of the government say this is simply a tactic to discredit Mr Ivanishvili in voters' eyes, by painting him as pro-Russian.
Some human rights activists believe it is just the latest example of Mr Saakashvili's administration monopolising power. All of Georgia's main national television channels are staunchly pro-government. And the courts are seen as not independent enough of government control.
According to Georgi Khutsishvili, director of the International Centre on Conflict and Negotiation, the Ivanishvili case shows that the government will use any means possible to crush political opposition.
"They want to send the message that anyone not in the government's team will be destroyed, and that this will be done in a way which has nothing to do with legal correctness.
"There will just be a crucifying blow following every attempt to win power - especially if a person with lots of money tries to use that money against the government."
Volatile politics
Mr Ivanishvili managed to pull himself out of poverty in the mountains of rural western Georgia to become one of the richest men in the region. And today he certainly has enough money to make an impact.
But Georgian politics can be a boisterous affair.
Mr Ivanishvili's first ever press conference descended into chaos as journalists shouted and pushed each other out of the way to grab the microphone.
And it is not unknown for MPs to start brawling in parliament.
So as the fight for power begins, it is another question entirely how this quietly spoken art lover will contend with a struggle that will undoubtedly become even more raucous.